The Exile History Review, 2022, No. 1
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- ItemCzechoslovak Refugees in the Displaced Persons Camps in the Early Cold War(KUL Publishing House, 2022) Nekola, MartinThe paper deals with various aspects of the life of Czechoslovakian refugees at the displaced persons camps in Allied–occupied Germany and Austria. About 60,000 people left the country within a few years following the Communist takeover in February 1948. The first steps in the “free world” brought them behind the walls and fences of the camps, where accommodation met only very basic needs. Wooden shacks, former prisoner–of–war camps, military barracks, schools, factories or even more primitive housing, such as tents or train cars. The atmosphere in the camps was extremely tense because of the widespread belief that the Cold War would quickly change into an armed conflict between the USA and the USSR. But as time passed, people remained long months or even years in the camps, sending visa applications, waiting for work permits and transport to a new home. The camps could be likened to a unique microcosm, with prostitution, black market, subversive activities of Communist informants, violent and boozy clashes as well as churches, chapels, libraries, schools, kindergartens, shops, craft workshops, sports associations, scout troops or even the recruitment offices for Western armies. Moreover, the first magazines, brochures and leaflets were published there, and the first seeds of political activity were born. Nevertheless, their existence and everyday operations are almost forgotten by contemporary historiography.
- ItemEuropean Press – Press Organ of the Central European Federal Youth Movement and the Central European Federalists(KUL Publishing House, 2022) Indraszczyk, ArkadiuszEuropean Press was a periodical coming out in the years 1951–1980, published by the Central European Federal Youth Movement (since 1959 the Central European Federalists). It was an organisation of federalists-emigrants from Central European countries who considered it necessary to establish a Central European federation. Such a federation was supposed to be a way to improve the development of Central European countries and also a method to free them from the yoke of communists. European Press was a press organ which propagated this idea. The information contained in the journal remains valid today, especially in relation to the ideological layer of European integration and its political and social foundations.
- ItemExotic Diplomacy. Relations between the Polish Government–In–Exile and the Émigré Authorities of the Republic of the South Moluccas(KUL Publishing House, 2022) Gotowiecki, PawełThis article is dedicated to the diplomatic relations between the Polish government–in–exile and the émigré authorities of the Republic of the South Moluccas. It presents the genesis of mutual contacts, their initiation, nature and course. The author discusses the level of joint initiatives and the importance of mutual communication for both emigrations.
- ItemGeorge (György) Schöpflin. “I am a European of Hungarian Issue”(KUL Publishing House, 2022) Kádár-Lynn, Katalin
- ItemHungarian Refugee Students in Belgium after the Revolution of 1956: The Leuven Case(KUL Publishing House, 2022) Csonta, IstvanStudents played a prominent role in the Hungarian revolution of 1956 and after its bloody suppression, many of them emigrated to the West from November of the same year to save their lives. This article presents the fate of a small Hungarian refugee community of the 1956 revolution, focusing especially on those students who arrived in Leuven, Belgium. Since the Catholic University of Leuven gave an outstanding opportunity to those refugee students who intended to pursue their already started studies in Belgium, it is not a coincidence that many have chosen Leuven deliberately. The present article discloses the different institutes and prominent persons who contributed considerably to the success of the refugee students.
- ItemJános Kádár’s Government and the Refugees of the Hungarian Revolution of 1956(KUL Publishing House, 2022) Baráth, MagdolnaDuring and following the Hungarian Revolution of 1956, approximately 200,000 people fled the country, the majority of them to Austria and others to Yugoslavia. After the suppression of the Revolution, the Hungarian authorities targeted the refugees with two simultaneous measures: on the one hand, they sought to persuade those who were willing and those whom the official propaganda considered as “misguided” to repatriate; and on the other hand, the said authorities did everything in their power to compromise “hostile” emigrant circles and persons, thereby weakening their influence among the refugees. In order to encourage and facilitate the repatriation, Hungary proclaimed amnesty and established a Hungarian–Yugoslav joint committee as well as a repatriation office in Vienna; however, the widespread repatriation propaganda of the Hungarian government was largely unsuccessful. Moreover, those returning after 31 March 1957 were meticulously screened and many repatriation requests were rejected, mostly for fear that Western intelligence might have planted spies among the applicants and repatriates. Initially, Hungarian leaders regarded the emigration of 1956 as a threat for fear that Western propaganda might use the migrants to influence Western public opinion and the foreign policy of other governments towards Hungary; they only changed their stance in the summer of 1958, when the Political Committee of the Central Committee of the Hungarian Socialist Workers’ Party established a commission in charge of emigration affairs, which was to pay particular attention to financially supporting the repatriation of certain categories of 1956 emigrants. In 1960, “consular passports” were introduced to enable the relatives of “dissidents” to go abroad for family visits, and under certain conditions, “dissidents” were also allowed to visit Hungary. In 1963, the Hungarian repatriation policy reached a turning point with János Kádár’s proclamation of a general amnesty. From that period onward, maintaining relations with Hungarian emigration became an integral part of government policy, and the political system made concessions with regard to the perception and treatment of emigration circles, which were also showing signs of division.
- ItemPrimate and General. Contacts between Cardinal Wyszyński and Władysław Anders in the Light of Their Correspondence – a Contribution to the History of the Polish Independence Emigration(KUL Publishing House, 2022) Łatka, RafałThe article takes a closer look at the relationship between Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński and General Władysław Anders between 1957 and 1970. The letters found in the Warsaw Archdiocesan Archives, complex: Secretariat of the Primate of Poland, and in the Archives of the Polish Institute and the Sikorski Museum in London show the close relationship between the Primate and the General. Although contact between them was occasional, we can observe the mutual respect and appreciation of these two leaders of “free Poland”. The former upheld Polish identity in a country ruled by communists, while also defending the independence of the Polish Church. At the same time, the latter acted as the leader of the Polish independence emigration community. Documented communication between Cardinal Wyszyński and General Anders began in 1957. It could not have taken place on a permanent basis, as the Primate feared that such relations could be a pretext for persecuting the Church in Poland – on the charge of maintaining contacts with “reactionary emigration circles”. Nevertheless, the Primate and the General met in person in Rome in May 1963, during Cardinal Wyszyński’s stay in the Holy See. The article is supplemented by an edition of correspondence concerning their mutual contacts. The text should be treated as a complementary contribution to the history of Polish emigration.
- ItemThe Efforts of the KGB to Use the Emigree Organisation Santara-Šviesa to Maintain Contact with Occupied Lithuania(KUL Publishing House, 2022) Burinskaitė, KristinaLegitimacy at the international level was important for the Soviet occupation regime in Lithuania and they also wanted to achieve it with the help of the emigrants. Cultural relations were dilemma question for soviets and emigration. Culture had to attract emigrants to their side, to distract from resistance activities, to set emigrants against each other and thus to undermine all Lithuanian liberation activities. However, emigrants were seen as a danger due to the possible influence on the locals, but at the same time they were considered an opportunity to achieve political and propaganda goals. Also it influenced negatively relationship with other emigree organizations, but KGB could not make damage to their relationship remarkably. This publication reveals how and by what means Soviet security sought to use the plans of the liberal emigrants to establish personal and cultural relations with Soviet Lithuania for propaganda, agency, and political purposes of the Soviet regime. It is also important to evaluate whether the KGB has achieved its goals. Official cultural contacts were under full control of the soviet side. They were a cover for the KGB agency and propaganda activities. Despite huge efforts soviet security only partially managed to take advantage of closer contacts between emigrants and Lithuania. It can be said that emigrants only partially knew and evaluated the capabilities and methods of the KGB. They did not know how widely the KGB sought to use these connections to harm emigrants. It is believed that personal contacts were safer for emigrants’ organizations. Perhaps the KGB was most fortunate to use these contacts while performing discreditation and promoting the achievements of the soviet regime.